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Original Article
The Role of Twitter in Setting the Agenda and Shaping Public Opinion about the Palestinian National Struggle: An Explanatory Study in Light of Agenda-Setting Theory
INTRODUCTION
Our world is
witnessing fundamental transformations in the nature of political and media
communication due to the emergence of social media as alternative spaces for
the production, dissemination, and widespread circulation of information Hermida
(2010b). Traditional media is no longer monopolizing
the process of shaping public opinion and determining public priorities. In
this context, Twitter stands out as one of the most important digital
platforms, playing a complex role in shaping public debates. It is
characterized by its ability to spread rapidly, enable immediate interaction,
and enable users to become producers and distributors of content, rather than
mere passive recipients Rogstad
(2016).
The Palestinian
National Struggle (PNS) represents a crucial model for studying these
transformations, especially in light of its marginalization or bias in
traditional media coverage, in contrast to its growing and active presence on
social media platforms. The ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza demonstrated that
Twitter has become a key arena for amplifying the Palestinian voice and
reframing it as both a humanitarian and political issue Rabin
(2024), reshaping international discussions about
justice and rights.
This research is
based on the Agenda-Setting Theory (AST) developed by McCombs
and Shaw (1972), which posits that the media tell people not
what to think, but what they should think, as the theory has evolved across its
three levels. The digital environment, particularly Twitter, represents an
ideal arena for empirically testing these levels. Traditional media is no
longer the sole actor in agenda-setting; users, activists, and digital
influencers have become active partners in this process, and sometimes even
leaders.
AST is fundamental
in analyzing the relationship between media and
public opinion Cohen
(1963). This theoretical framework posits that the
media's focus on a particular issue makes it more prominent in the public's
mind, even if it does not directly influence their opinions. Instead, it
determines their priorities and attitudes.
In a participatory
environment such as social media platforms, media institutions no longer have a
monopoly on setting the agenda. Instead, users and influencers have become
active partners in creating alternative agendas that reshape the order of
public issues. According to Guo and McCombs (2016), news networks have the ability to affect
public opinion by selecting and presenting news on social media platforms such
as Twitter. Through this selective presentation, digital media promote topics
that should receive attention, transforming their editorial agenda into the
audience's cognitive agenda, according to the hypotheses of agenda-setting
theory.
Hence, this
research seeks to analyze Twitter's role in setting
the agenda about the PNS to create public opinion by examining patterns of
exposure to content, forms of interaction (liking, retweeting, commenting), and
the impact of digital campaigns and visual content in reshaping collective
consciousness. The research also aims to monitor the shift from centralized
media to interactive networked media and to clarify how digital platforms
contribute to breaking the monopoly of traditional media institutions over
shaping priorities.
This research
differs from previous research in several key aspects. Most previous studies
have examined Twitter's role in political campaigns or social movements.
However, this study focuses on the PNS as a case study to analyze
Twitter's role in setting the agenda about the PNS to create public opinion.
Furthermore, this study integrates the application of the three levels of AST.
A large-scale survey provided quantitative data for this study, providing it
with an empirical dimension that other tweet analysis studies lack. Finally,
this study emphasizes the relevance of visual content and structured digital
campaigns in reframing the Palestinian cause, which prior studies have
neglected in favor of tweets. Thus, the research
uniquely combines a theoretical framework with empirical evidence to show how
Twitter has reshaped Palestine's media and political agenda.
Literature Review
AST has been
applied and studied in different fields, including political discourse on
Twitter Volders and
Milan (2013), election campaign McGregor
and Vargo (2017), Pedro-Carañana et al. (2020), Twitter in the political campaign Ceron
(2014), Conway
et al. (2015), comparing the agenda setter between Twitter
and newspapers Su and Borah (2019), comparing disaster news on Twitter and
television Valenzuela
et al. (2017), compering Trump's and Clinton's AST on
Twitter Lee and Xu (2018), and comparing newspapers, Facebook and
Twitter Almistadi
(2014), Skogerbø and Krumsvik (2015).
Social media
platforms have the potential to influence the agendas of traditional news media
and other social actors for the purpose of deliberating policy issues.
According to Bruns et
al. (2016), political actors have the ability to
circumvent the conventional media gatekeeping function by utilising social
media platforms. This enables them to directly interact with various actors,
thereby exerting influence on political transformation. For example, scholars
have demonstrated that politicians and political parties have the ability to
establish direct connections with voters, bypassing the need for mass media.
This approach has been found to enhance direct communication with voters Golbeck
et al. (2010), Maarek (2014), Straus
et al. (2013).
Similarly,
individuals and political advocates have the ability to obtain information
directly from politicians through two means: by following their social media
accounts or by selecting accounts that offer content that is pertinent to their
interests, as demonstrated by Fraia and Missaglia (2014). According to Conway
et al. (2015), social media users and conventional media
rely on each other for legitimacy. In Parmelee
(2014) study on the agenda-building function of
political tweets during the 2012 US elections, it was observed that tweets
authored by political leaders played a significant role in generating news
coverage pertaining to various subjects and candidates. Specifically, these
tweets served as catalysts for journalists to generate story ideas.
Meanwhile, D’heer and Verdegem (2014) conducted an analysis on the influence of
Twitter on agenda-setting processes during the 2012 local elections in Belgium.
They found that the use of #hashtags by broadcast media, particularly during
televised political debates, fostered a shared viewer experience by enabling
real-time and collective comments and discussions. Additionally, it was
observed that numerous tweets including the hashtag #vk2012 were associated
with various media platforms, encompassing both conventional and social media
channels. This finding suggests that the platform is susceptible to and can be
impacted by other media channels. “Intermedia agenda setting” is the phrase
used to describe the process in which one media exerts influence over the
agenda of another media. In his 2005 evaluation of agenda shaping studies,
McCombs emphasised the importance of comprehending the impact of both
traditional news media and the new online media. In a study conducted by Lim (2011), it was observed that prominent news
websites in South Korea exerted impact on the content of online newspapers and
also had a certain degree of mutual influence.
Vargo
(2011) research on Twitter data indicates that
traditional newscasts and newspaper stories have the ability to forecast the
overall number of Twitter tweets related to a certain problem. Parmelee
and Bichard (2012) conducted an interview with Twitter users to
confirm this finding by triangulation. Subsequently, Vargo et
al. (2014) utilized a substantial Twitter dataset to
analyse the vertical (top-down) and horizontal media agendas that emerged
during the 2012 US presidential election. This study examined the
interconnections between different problems related to the election from a
network analysis standpoint. It also explored how these issues influenced the
priorities and opinions of Obama supporters and Romney supporters.
Although previous
studies have applied AST to a number of fields, they have mostly focused on
Western contexts or elections rather than on international issues of a broader
humanitarian and political nature, such as the PNS. These studies have not
given sufficient attention to the role of digital campaigns and hashtags in
reshaping marginalized or counter-mainstream narratives. In addition, much
research has focused on the first level of AST (issue salience) and perhaps the
second level (attribution salience). At the same time, little has been examined
about the third level (agenda network) in conflict settings and protracted
disputes. In the PNS context, there remains a dearth of quantitative studies
that integrate tools such as large-scale surveys with the theoretical framework
of AST to explore how users interact with Twitter content and how this
influences their priorities, perceptions, and networks of symbolic
associations. Hence, this research seeks to fill this gap by applying the three
levels of AST to the case of the PNS. Drawing on quantitative data from an
internationally diverse survey, this study analyzes
the role Twitter plays in reshaping the media and political agenda, breaking
the monopoly of traditional narratives, and highlighting Palestine as both a
humanitarian and political issue.
Despite the
significant development of agenda-setting theory since its first introduction
and its application to various fields such as election campaigns and political
discourse, its application to studying international issues of a humanitarian
nature, such as the Palestinian cause, remains limited. The literature
indicates that traditional media often marginalize or bias coverage of the PNS,
while social media platforms, most notably Twitter, have emerged as alternative
spaces for highlighting the Palestinian narrative and reshaping public debates.
However, previous research has focused primarily on Western contexts or
elections and has not examined in-depth how issues, features, and network
connections related to Palestine are transmitted via Twitter, or the extent to
which this platform influences public priorities and reshapes awareness. Hence,
the problem of this study stems from the need to understand Twitter's role in
setting the media and political agenda related to the Palestinian cause by applying
the three levels of the theory (first, second, and third) to digital
interactions, visual content, and digital campaigns.
Theoretical framework
The concept
of AST revolves around how the media
influences the public's priorities; it is about the role of mass media in
shaping the public's perception of the significance of particular issues
through selective emphasis and presentation McCombs
and Shaw (1972). AST claims that the news media do not have
the ability to tell people what to think; however, by highlighting some issues
at the cost of other issues, they can tell people what to think about. In this
way, the media makes the issues more salient and essential to the recipient McCombs
and Valenzuela (2020).
Lippmann
(1922) laid the foundation of the AST, which was
then expanded by Lasswell
(1948) and Cohen
(1963). Their work ultimately led to the
formulation of AST by McCombs
and Shaw (1972), who demonstrated issue salience shifts from
the news agenda to the public agenda.
The theory is
based on the principle that the media can transfer salience from its agenda to
the public agenda. By emphasizing a specific topic, the public tends to have
analogous perceptions and priorities. The concentrated coverage of the media
influences individuals' understanding of the significance of these issues, even
if it does not alter their opinions. This is referred to as "the first
level of agenda setting," which establishes what topics to consider, while
"the second level" pertains to shaping perceptions of the topic
through the employed language, imagery, and media framing. This approach
highlights the media's influence in determining the significance of issues and
the perception of these issues Ghanem
(1997).
The first level of
the theory concerns about the issue agenda. It focuses on the shift in issue
salience from the media to the public agenda. This occurs when the media
repeatedly cover a particular issue and give it more space. Therefore, public
awareness increases, and it is perceived as a priority deserving of discourse.
The magnitude of this effect fluctuates based on various aspects, including the
intensity of coverage, the angles of its presentation, and the degree of the
issue's relevance to the public's everyday life. Issues distant from their
personal experiences or immediate lives are frequently more shaped by the
media, whereas issues they experience themselves are less dependent on the
media McCombs
(2005).
The notion of AST
extended beyond only recognizing which issues garner attention to encompass how
those issues and the people associated with them are presented McCombs
et al. (2014), this level is known as the second level.
The media emphasizes specific attributes—such as competence, integrity, or
leadership—and reiterates them until they become the criteria by which the
audience evaluates topics or individuals McCombs
et al. (1997). Balmas
and Sheafer (2010) noted that the first level emphasizes the media's role in telling us "what to think about," while the second level
shifted to the media's function of telling us
"how to think about." This
level is similar to the concept of framing, but it remains focused on the
salience of traits rather than the interpretation of meaning. Thus, it can be
said that the media determines not only what the audience thinks about, but
also how they think about it by repeatedly highlighting certain traits or
characteristics Ghanem
(1997).
As the theory
evolved, a third, more complex level emerged, known as the Network Agenda
Setting Model Guo et al. (2012). This level goes beyond individual issues or
attributes, demonstrating that the media constructs a network of links between
issues, attributes, and actors, forming a complete cognitive map in the
public's mind. For example, a political candidate can be linked to a set of
issues (such as the economy, health, or security) and to specific attributes
(such as integrity or power), creating a complete network image of him. Studies
have shown that these links, as constructed in the media, are directly transmitted
to the public's perception, helping to explain phenomena such as "issue
ownership" and the association of specific actors with an entire agenda
rather than just a single issue Guo and McCombs (2016)
Agenda-Setting in the Digital Age
Traditionally,
newspapers and television served as "gatekeepers," selecting and
prioritizing issues. In the digital age, particularly on Twitter, the landscape
has changed radically. Audiences are no longer passive recipients, but rather
key actors in agenda-setting through tweets, retweets, comments, and hashtags.
These interactions generate new patterns of prioritization, where trending
topics are formed in real-time and may precede or even adversely affect
traditional media coverage. The emergence of digital media and social media
platforms, such as Twitter, has led to an evolution in the theory,
incorporating direct public interaction in agenda-setting processes.
Traditional media is no longer the exclusive source of information; the public,
along with activists and influencers, now plays a significant role in shaping
the agenda through tweets, hashtags, and engagement in digital campaigns Conway
et al. (2022).
Twitter
accommodates a range of perspectives, including those of the organizations,
journalists, and the general public. It enables users to disseminate and
enhance content quickly, thereby influencing public discourse and shaping
narratives on diverse topics Vargo et
al. (2018). Twitter trends and algorithms are
recognized for their capacity to amplify specific issues on the platform,
thereby reinforcing its function as an agenda-setting tool Conway
et al. (2022). Hence, the concept of "reverse
agenda-setting" Chong
(2019), Sanusi
et al. (2025) emerged, where digital audiences can impose new priorities on
traditional media. Recent models, such as “Network Agenda Setting” Guo (2013), have also emerged, examining how agendas
are shaped through social media.
However, Twitter's
ability to create new agendas faces significant challenges, most notably
fragmentation, where prominent issues differ from one follower network to
another, creating divergent priorities within the same community Webster
and Ksiazek (2012). Algorithms further exacerbate this
phenomenon by selecting content based on individual interests or social
credibility Messing
and Westwood (2014), creating information bubbles that limit the
diversity of exposure to ideas. Furthermore, the proliferation of
misinformation on digital platforms is also evident, with a major study showing
that fake news spreads faster and more widely on Twitter than real news Vosoughi
et al. (2018). Thus, Twitter does not eliminate the logic
of agenda-setting, but rather reshapes it in a hybrid
environment where priorities are managed through a complex interaction between
platforms, traditional media, and active audiences.
AST is relevant
for analysing Twitter's influence on public opinion regarding the PNS. The
platform offers significant opportunities for interaction and engagement on
issues about the PNS, such as the Israeli genocidal war in Gaza and
displacement. The greater the public's exposure to these topics through
Twitter, the greater their importance in individuals' awareness, resulting in
the formation of a more informed and engaged public opinion on the issue. The
frequency and prominence of posts, indicating their visibility and level of
engagement, reveal significant issues and underscore imbalances that affect
agenda-setting Tuchman
(1978). Furthermore, audience engagement with news
illustrates the mechanisms of information dissemination and underscores
communication deficiencies, thereby influencing public discourse Wojcieszak
and Mutz (2009)
This study tests
the following hypothesis, which states that Twitter not only transmits
information, but also contributes to setting the priorities for Twitter users.
·
H0: There is no statistically significant
relationship between the public's perception of Twitter's role in setting the
media agenda and shaping public opinion on the PNS.
·
H1: There is a statistically significant
relationship between the public's perception of Twitter's role in setting the
media agenda and shaping public opinion on the PNS.
AST serves as a
suitable theoretical framework for examining the relationship between exposure
to digital content regarding the Palestinian struggle on Twitter and its
influence on shaping public opinion, particularly in terms of recognizing the
significance of the issue and altering attitudes toward it.
Research Method
This explanatory
study adopted an online questionnaire distributed on Twitter by using an ‘Ads’
campaign to reach the maximum number of users from 7 May until 6 June 2024.
This data collection method is convenient for respondents to complete the
survey in multiple sessions, to answer at a convenient time, and to take as
much time as they need Regmi et
al. (2016).
This study targets
all Twitter users who tweet, talk, or follow news related to Palestine. 'Tweet
object features' were used to determine the target audience Cavazos-Rehg
et al. (2016), O’Hallarn and
Shapiro (2014). This feature was adopted because the study
ran Ads utilizes algorithms on Twitter to target users who tweet about
Palestine. Therefore, any user who tweets or follows Palestine news will have
the opportunity to see the Ads and complete the questionnaire. Even those who
are silent have a chance to fill it out. The study did not utilize a planned
list of people; instead, it relied on the organic reach and interaction
produced by the Twitter Ads campaign.
In the lack of a
pre-existing sample frame, randomization was unfeasible, prompting the
researchers to employ non-random sampling methods Vicente
(2023). Furthermore, to broaden the outreach, the
authors partnered with select Twitter users to repost the questionnaire URL to
their followers, thus incorporating a snowball sampling element Chen (2011), Pentina et al.
(2013). This was conducted with participants who
had given their consent to cooperate.
The data
collection utilized a self-report methodology Visser
et al. (2014). This method was characterized by Vicente
(2023) as a data collection approach wherein a
sample of Twitter users engages in inquiry modes, such as online surveys and
in-depth interviews. A total of 483 participants completed the questionnaire,
and 424 respondents were included in the final analysis after excluding
incomplete responses and other related issues.
The questionnaire
design ensured study objectives were met. Participants gave electronic informed
consent by voluntarily deciding to participate before doing the online
questionnaire. Two sections make up the questionnaire. The first section covers
participant demographics, and the second covers study objectives.
Specialized
professors reviewed the questionnaire before distribution and suggested
improvements. After improving the questions, a group of 30 people tested it to
find any other issues and found it clear and well-organized. Cronbach's alpha
of the 18 questions was .833, which is satisfactory for the study.
To test the
hypothesis, quantitative methods were used. The collected data were analyzed by using descriptive statistics, including mean,
standard deviation (SD), frequency, and percentage, using SPSS. This study used
Spearman's correlation, a non-parametric test, to determine the two variables'
relationship for inferential statistics.
Results
Demographic Profile
This section
illustrates the demographic profile of the participants to understand their
background and characteristics, and to provide a precise analysis for the
study. This section comprises four questions of the survey. The first question
aimed to understand where the participants came from. The answer was
comprehensive, containing 79 different countries. Most notably, Palestine
(7.3%), the United States (7.1%), Jordan (6.4%), India (3.8%), Yemen (3.5%),
Canada, Finland and Syria (3.1%). Secondly, we asked about their age
demographic. The predominant age group is 25 to 34 years, comprising 44.1%,
followed by the 35 to 49 years age group, which is 39.9%. Individuals aged 18
to 24 years and those aged 50 years and over constitute 8.3% and 7.5% of the
total participation, respectively. Third, we asked about their gender. The
sample predominantly comprises girls and males, accounting for 49.8% and 47.2%,
respectively, while 1.7% identify as 'other.' An extra 1.4% of persons chose
not to disclose their gender. The final demographic question refers to their
educational background. Of the respondents, 34.7% own a master's degree or
above, and 29.5% possess a bachelor's degree. Furthermore, 21.7% have completed
high school or its equivalent, while 12.5% holding college degrees.
Descriptive Statistics
Q1. How
effective is Twitter in setting the agenda for public discussions related to
the PNS?
Table 1
|
Table 1 Exposure to the PNS Content on Twitter |
||||||||
|
1. How often do you encounter discussions or
content related to the PNS on Twitter? |
||||||||
|
|
Multiple
times a day |
Once
a day |
A
few times a week |
Rarely |
Never |
Total |
Mean |
Std.
Deviation |
|
F. |
327 |
84 |
8 |
4 |
1 |
424 |
1.27 |
0.568 |
|
% |
77.10% |
19.80% |
1.90% |
0.90% |
0.20% |
100% |
||
Table 1 provides valuable insights into the frequency of specific topics
related to the PNS on Twitter. The majority of respondents (77.1%) come across
discussions or debates about Palestine multiple times a day. Followed by 19.8%
daily. Only 1.9% encountered content weekly. While a small proportion of
respondents, specifically 0.9% and 0.2% respectively, experience such content
rarely or never. The mean is situated between the first two options, leaning
towards the first option, which suggests that, on average, participants
encounter such content multiple times a day, often daily. The lower SD
indicates that the majority of participants are closely grouped around the mean
value, suggesting that most participants frequently encounter tweets about the
PNS, with minimal fluctuation.
Table 2
|
Table 2 Frequency of Exposure to Campaigns Related
to PNS |
||||||||
|
2. How often do you see advocacy or awareness
campaigns related to the PNS on Twitter? |
||||||||
|
Multiple
times a day |
Daily |
Weekly |
Rarely |
Never |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
|
F. |
284 |
128 |
6 |
4 |
2 |
424 |
1.38 |
0.614 |
|
% |
67% |
30.20% |
1.40% |
0.90% |
0.50% |
100% |
||
Table 2 shows that almost 97% of participants
encounter advocacy or awareness campaigns related to the PNS multiple times a
day or daily combined. On the other hand, some participants encounter such
campaigns weekly, rarely, and never, with 1.4%, 0.9% and 0.5%, respectively.
The mean of 1.38 is situated between multiple times a day and daily. This means that respondents see these
campaigns more than once every day but less frequently than multiple times a
day. The SD indicates a reasonably narrow range of values around the average.
Hence, participants have comparable experiences in terms of the frequency.
Table 3
|
Table 3 Reliance on Twitter for Updates about the
PNS |
||||||||
|
3. How often do you rely on Twitter for
updates and information about the PNS? |
||||||||
|
|
Very
often |
Often |
Sometimes |
Rarely |
Never |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
154 |
118 |
61 |
73 |
18 |
424 |
2.25 |
1.232 |
|
% |
36.30% |
27.80% |
14.40% |
17.20% |
4.20% |
100% |
||
Table 3 illustrates that a total of 64% of participants frequently rely on
Twitter, with 36.3% relying on it very often and 27.8% relying on it often, for
updates and information about the PNS. Other participants indicated that they
sometimes, rarely, and never rely on Twitter, with 14.4%, 17.2%, and 4.2%,
respectively. The mean value lies between often and sometimes, with a tendency
towards often. The SD value suggests considerable variation in how often
respondents utilize Twitter for updates about the PNS.
Table 4
|
Table 4 Influence of Twitter in Setting the Agenda
for the PNS |
||||||||
|
4. How influential do you believe Twitter is
in setting the agenda for current discussions about the PNS? |
||||||||
|
|
Extremely
influential |
Very
influential |
Moderately
influential |
Slightly
influential |
Not
influential at all |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
248 |
102 |
50 |
17 |
7 |
242 |
1.66 |
0.949 |
|
% |
58.50% |
24.10% |
11.80% |
4% |
1.70% |
100% |
||
Table 4 shows that most respondents (82.6%) think
that Twitter is extremely influential (58.5%) or very influential (24.1%).
Thus, the platform is seen as a powerful platform. Some respondents (11.8%)
rated Twitter’s influence as moderately influential, while 4% and 1.7% rated it
as slightly influential and not influential at all, respectively. The mean
value is closer to extremely influential, while the SD suggests that even
though there is quite a strong agreement, some divergence in opinion exists.
Table 5
|
Table 5 Twitter's Primacy in Setting the Agenda
About the PNS |
||||||||
|
5. Do you think Twitter precedes traditional
media in setting the agenda about the PNS? |
||||||||
|
|
Always |
Sometimes |
Rarely |
It
depends on the event |
Never |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
101 |
101 |
81 |
92 |
49 |
242 |
2.73 |
1.343 |
|
% |
23.80% |
23.80% |
19.10% |
21.70% |
11.60% |
100% |
||
Table 5 shows that the majority of participants
(23.8%) believe that Twitter always and sometimes precedes the traditional
media in setting the agenda about the PNS. At the same time, 21.7% of
participants indicated that Twitter's influence depends on the nature of the
event or trending topic. The mean suggests that the value falls between the
always and sometimes options, while the SD indicates a relative variance in
opinions among participants.
Table 6
|
Table 6 Twitter's Primacy Over Traditional Media
in Setting the News Agenda Related to Palestine |
||||||||
|
1. To what extent do you agree with the
statement: "Twitter determines the topics covered by traditional
media?" |
||||||||
|
|
Strongly
agree |
Agree |
Neutral |
Disagree |
Strongly
disagree |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
103 |
101 |
90 |
67 |
63 |
242 |
2.73 |
1.376 |
|
% |
24.30% |
23.80% |
21.20% |
15.80% |
14.90% |
100% |
||
Table 6 indicates that the participant strongly agrees with the statement
(24.3%), indicating that they do believe Twitter determines the topics for
traditional media. At the same time, 23.8% agree. On the other hand, 21.2%
maintain a neutral stance. Approximately 15.8% and 14.9% disagree and strongly
disagree with the statement. The mean value of 2.73 (SD = 1.376), indicating
that the majority of participants strongly agreed with the statement idea, with
very little dispersion of opinions.
Q2. How does
Twitter content (tweets, visual media, campaigns) influence awareness and
knowledge about the Palestinian cause?
Table 7
|
Table 7 Participants' Engagement with Tweets About
the PNS |
||||||||
|
7. How often do you engage (like, retweet,
comment) with tweets about the PNS? |
||||||||
|
|
Very
often |
Often |
Sometimes |
Rarely |
Never |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
298 |
113 |
8 |
3 |
2 |
424 |
1.34 |
0.603 |
|
% |
70.30% |
26.70% |
1.90% |
0.70% |
0.50% |
100% |
||
Table 7 provides insight into how participants
interact and engage with tweets about Palestine. Approximately 70.3% indicate
that they interact with tweets very often, while 26.3% do so often. At the same
time, 96.7%. Only 1.9% do it sometimes, 0.7% rarely, and 0.5% never. The mean
value falls between very often and often, closer to very often, suggesting that
respondents engage with such tweets more than often but less than very often.
The SD indicates a moderate spread of responses, suggesting some variability in
engagement levels.
Table 8
|
Table 8 Twitter's Role in Enhancing the
Understanding of the Political Situation About the PNS |
|||||||
|
8. How do you feel Twitter has affected your
understanding of the political situation about the PNS? |
|||||||
|
|
It
has greatly improved my understanding |
It
has somewhat improved my understanding |
It
has had no effect on my understanding |
It
has confused me more |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
301 |
118 |
7 |
2 |
424 |
1.31 |
0.506 |
|
% |
71.7% |
27.8% |
0.7% |
0.5% |
100% |
||
Table 8 shows that a significant majority of
participants (71.7%) perceive Twitter as having significantly enhanced their
comprehension of the political landscape regarding the PNS. A substantial
proportion of participants (27.8%) believe that Twitter has moderately enhanced
their understanding. A minute fraction of participants (0.7%) indicate that
Twitter has had no discernible impact on their comprehension. A minor
percentage (0.5%) of individuals perceive that Twitter has confused them. The
mean value falls within the range of the first two options, leaning towards the
first option. On average, Twitter has greatly enhanced its understanding, while
the SD suggests a relatively low spread of responses, implying that the
majority of respondents share a similar perspective.
Table 9
|
Table 9 Twitter's Role in Changing Perception
About the PNS |
||||||
|
9. Has Your Perception About the PNS Changed Since You Started Using Twitter? |
||||||
|
|
Yes,
significantly |
Yes,
somewhat |
No,
it has remained the same |
Total |
Mean |
Std.
Deviation |
|
F. |
236 |
149 |
39 |
424 |
1.54 |
0.659 |
|
% |
55.70% |
35.10% |
9.20% |
100% |
||
Table 9 illustrates that the majority of respondents
(55.7%) reported a substantial shift in their perspective. Furthermore,
approximately 35.1% of respondents reported a moderate change in their
perception. On the other hand, a minority of respondents (9.2%) indicated that
their perception of Palestine had not changed after using Twitter. The mean
value of change is 1.54, and it is positioned between the first two options,
leaning towards the first option. On average, a substantial change in their
perspective about the PNS. The SD reflects the variability of responses around
the mean, implying that there is some variation in the extent to which
respondents' perceptions have altered.
Table 10
|
Table 10 Twitter’s Role in Amplifying
Palestinian Voices and Narratives. |
||||||||
|
10. To what extent do you agree with the
statement: “Twitter has a role in amplifying Palestinian voices and
narratives.” |
||||||||
|
|
Strongly
agree |
Agree |
Neutral |
Disagree |
Strongly
disagree |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
226 |
183 |
10 |
3 |
2 |
242 |
1.52 |
0.63 |
|
% |
53.3 |
43.2 |
2.4 |
0.70% |
0.50% |
100% |
||
Table 10 shows that over half of the respondents (53.3%) strongly agree with the
statement, demonstrating a substantial acknowledgement of Twitter's role in
amplifying the voices of Palestinians. An additional 43.2% of respondents agree
with the statement. A minority of respondents (2.4%) expressed neutrality. The
proportion of respondents who disagree (0.7%) or strongly disagree (0.5%) is
low, indicating a lack of disagreement with the assumption that Twitter plays a
substantial role in this context. The mean value indicates that the majority of
participants agree that Twitter has a significant impact in magnifying the
voices and narratives of Palestinians. The SD suggests a relatively small
degree of variability among the responses.
Table 11
|
Table 11 The Impact of Palestine-Related Visual
Content on Agenda-Setting |
||||||||
|
11. How Do Visual Contents (Images, Videos) Related
to Palestine Shared on Twitter Affect the Agenda-Setting Process? |
||||||||
|
|
Strongly
enhance |
Somewhat
enhance |
Neutral
effect |
Somewhat
diminish |
Strongly
diminish |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
285 |
82 |
43 |
9 |
5 |
242 |
1.51 |
0.851 |
|
% |
67.20% |
19.30% |
10.10% |
2.10% |
1.20% |
100% |
||
Table 11 shows that 67.2% of participants believe visual content on Twitter
significantly enhances the agenda-setting process, while 19.3% believe that the
visual content is somewhat enhancing the agenda-setting process. On the other
hand, 2.1% and 1.2% believe visual content somewhat diminishes and strongly
diminishes the agenda-setting process. The mean values indicate that most
responses lean toward categories with a significant positive impact on the
agenda-setting process. The SD is relatively low, indicating a high degree of
consistency in participants' responses.
Table 12
|
Table 12 The Effectiveness of Twitter Campaigns in
Shaping Opinions About the PNS. |
||||||||
|
12. How effective do you think Twitter
campaigns (e.g., hashtags, trending topics) are in raising awareness and
shaping opinions about Palestine? |
||||||||
|
|
Very
effective |
Effective |
Neutral |
Ineffective |
Very
ineffective |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
226 |
185 |
7 |
4 |
2 |
424 |
1.52 |
0.63 |
|
% |
53.30% |
43.60% |
1.70% |
0.90% |
0.50% |
100% |
||
Table 12 indicates that a high majority of
participants perceive Twitter campaigns as either highly effective (53.3%) or
effective (43.6%) in increasing awareness and influencing opinions toward the
PNS. On the other hand, a small proportion of respondents (1.7%) maintain a
neutral position. A tiny proportion, at 0.9% and 0.5%, respectively, perceive
the campaigns as ineffective or very ineffective. The mean value falls within
the range of the first two options, leaning slightly towards the first option.
The SD indicates a considerable level of dispersion in the responses, implying
that although there is a consensus on the efficacy, there is some degree of
variation in the judgments.
Q3. How much do
audiences trust Palestine-related content on Twitter compared to traditional
media, and what impact does this have on personal attitudes?
Table 13
|
Table 13 Participants’ Trust in News Twitter About
the PNS |
||||||||
|
13. How likely are you to trust information about the
PNS that you read on Twitter compared to traditional news sources? |
||||||||
|
|
Much
more likely |
More
likely |
About
the same |
Less
likely |
Much
less likely |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
118 |
114 |
148 |
10 |
4 |
424 |
2.15 |
0.887 |
|
% |
27.80% |
34% |
34.90% |
2.40% |
0.90% |
100% |
|
|
Table 13 illustrates that 27.8% are much more likely
to trust information about the PNS compared to traditional media, followed by
34% of participants who are more likely to trust information about the PNS. At
the same time, 34.9% of the respondents consider the reliability of news and
information on Twitter to be similar to that of traditional news sources. Only
a minority of respondents, comprising 2.4% who are less likely and 0.9% who are
significantly less likely, express distrust in information and news regarding
Palestine on Twitter compared to traditional news sources. The mean value
represents that the respondents have a somewhat higher level of trust in
information from Twitter compared to established news sources. The SD suggests
a moderate level of dispersion, indicating that there is some degree of
fluctuation in the extent to which respondents trust information from Twitter
compared to established news sources
Table 14
|
Table 14 The Credibility of Information on Twitter
About the PNS. |
||||||||
|
14. How credible do you find the information
about the PNS shared on Twitter? |
||||||||
|
|
Very
credible |
Credible |
Neutral |
Not
very credible |
Not
credible at all |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
237 |
141 |
34 |
9 |
3 |
424 |
1.58 |
0.785 |
|
% |
55.90% |
33.30% |
8% |
2.10% |
0.70% |
100% |
|
|
Table 14 shows that a significant proportion of the
respondents (55.9%) perceive the information on Palestine shared on Twitter as
highly credible. Approximately 33% of participants find the information to be
credible. Only 8% of the respondents have a neutral stance toward the
trustworthiness of the information. A minority of 2.1% and 0.7% of participants
perceive the information on Twitter as lacking credibility and as not credible
at all, respectively. The mean value is situated between the first two options,
leaning towards the first option. The SD signifies a moderate spread of
responses, indicating that although the majority of respondents consider the
material reliable, there is some variation in their perspectives.
Table 15
|
Table 15 Twitter's Role in Changing Participants'
Stance on Issues Related to the PNS. |
||||||
|
15. Have you ever changed your stance on issues
related to the PNS after engaging with content? |
||||||
|
|
Yes,
completely |
Yes,
partially |
No,
never |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
198 |
194 |
32 |
424 |
1.61 |
0.625 |
|
% |
46.70% |
45.80% |
7.50% |
100% |
|
|
Table 15 shows that a substantial proportion of
participants (46.7%) have changed their positions on issues concerning
Palestine following their interaction with Twitter content. An additional
considerable portion (45.8%) has changed their position partially. At the same
time, a small minority of respondents (7.5%) have maintained a consistent view
on issues related to Palestine without any changes, even after engaging with
content. The mean value suggests, on average, participants have undergone
substantial shifts in their position on these matters. In contrast, the SD
suggests considerable variability in responses, indicating that although there
is some variation in how respondents have altered their position, the majority
have undergone at least some degree of change.
Table 16
|
Table 16 The Effectiveness of Retweeting Content
Regarding the PNS. |
||||||||
|
16. To what extent do you agree with the
statement: “Retweeting content about the PNS is an effective way to raise
awareness and create public opinion.” |
||||||||
|
|
Strongly
agree |
Agree |
Neutral |
Disagree |
Strongly
disagree |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
264 |
142 |
14 |
2 |
2 |
264 |
1.43 |
0.630 |
|
% |
62.3% |
33.5% |
3.3% |
0.5% |
0.5% |
100% |
||
Table 16 indicates a significant level of agreement
among participants. The majority of respondents (62.3%) strongly agree, and
33.5% of respondents agree with the statement. A small proportion of
respondents (3.3%) have a neutral stance. The low percentage of respondents who
disagree (0.5%) or strongly disagree (0.5%) suggests that there is very little
pushback to the assumption that retweeting is successful. The mean value
indicates that most respondents strongly think that retweeting news regarding
the PNS is an effective method for increasing awareness and shaping public
opinion. The SD remains reasonably low, demonstrating a close grouping of
answers around the average. This indicates a robust agreement among the
participants.
Table 17
|
Table 17 To What Extent Have
Discussions on Twitter Influenced Your Personal Views About the PNS? |
|||||||
|
17.
To what extent have discussions on Twitter influenced your personal views
about the PNS? |
|||||||
|
|
Greatly
influenced |
Moderately
influenced |
Slightly
influenced |
Not
influential at all |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
303 |
82 |
32 |
7 |
242 |
1.39 |
0.7 |
|
% |
71.50% |
19.30% |
7.50% |
1.70% |
100% |
|
|
Table 17 illustrates that the discussions about the PNS on Twitter significantly
influence 71.5% of participants. Followed by 19.3% of participants who consider
Twitter's influence to be moderate. Regarding the slight influence, 7.5% of
participants believed that Twitter had only a slight influence on their
opinions. Only 1.7% of participants reported that Twitter did not influence
their personal opinions. The mean value indicates that the majority of
responses skewed toward the high-influence categories, reinforcing the notion
that Twitter has a strong influence on its users. The SD is relatively low,
indicating a high degree of homogeneity among participants.
Table 18
|
Table 18 The Importance of Twitter Compared to
other Media Platforms in Shaping Understanding About the PNS |
||||||||
|
18. Compared
to other media platforms, how significant is Twitter in shaping your
understanding of the PNS? |
||||||||
|
|
Much
more significant |
Somewhat
more significant |
About
the same |
Somewhat
less significant |
Much
less significant |
Total |
Mean |
SD |
|
F. |
253 |
78 |
70 |
5 |
18 |
242 |
1.72 |
1.056 |
|
% |
59.70% |
18.40% |
16.50% |
1.20% |
4.20% |
100% |
||
Table 18 indicates that 59.7% of participants consider Twitter to be much more
important in this context, while 18.4% consider Twitter somewhat more
important. On the other hand, 16.5% consider Twitter is equally important
compared to other platforms. The somewhat less significant category accounted
for only 1.2% of the responses, while the "much less significant"
category accounted for 4.2%. The mean value is 1.72, indicating that most
participants see Twitter as a major influence on their PNS understanding, with most
responses skewing toward the most significant influence categories.
Inferential Statistics
This study's
hypothesis posits a relationship between agenda-setting on Twitter (as the
independent variable) and shaping public opinion on the PNS (as the dependent
variable). To test this hypothesis, the Spearman’s correlation test was used to
make inferences about the population (Twitter users) from the sample data.
Table 19
|
Table 19 Spearman’s Correlation. |
|||
|
Spearman's
rho |
Shaping
Public Opinion about the PNS |
Agenda-Setting
on Twitter |
|
|
Shaping
Public Opinion about the PNS |
Correlation
Coefficient |
1.000 |
.854** |
|
Sig.
(2-tailed) |
. |
.000 |
|
|
N |
424 |
424 |
|
|
Agenda-Setting
on Twitter |
Correlation
Coefficient |
.854** |
1.000 |
|
Sig.
(2-tailed) |
.000 |
. |
|
|
N |
424 |
424 |
|
|
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level
(2-tailed). |
|||
Table 19 shows the results of a Spearman's rho test.
The result of the correlation coefficient between the two variables is .854,
which is a very high result, indicating a very strong positive correlation
between the two variables. This suggests that the content that is promoted and
repeatedly posted by influencers and activists on Twitter becomes more
prominent in the audience's consciousness. Thus, the media agenda shifts to
become the public agenda. Therefore, Twitter users begin to consider them
"priority" and form their opinion based on what they are exposed to.
This is known as salience transfer, the essence of agenda-setting theory.
The 2-tailed Sig.
value of 0.000 indicates that the significance level is significantly less than
0.01, meaning the relationship between the two variables is highly
statistically significant. The statistical significance of this supports the
hypothesis that Twitter has a significant influence on public opinion regarding
the PNS through the agenda-setting process, which justifies rejecting the null
hypothesis and accepting the alternative.
Discussion
The results of the
demographic profile demonstrate a high degree of geographical and cultural
diversity in the sample, reflecting the comprehensiveness of the study and its
ability to capture diverse perspectives. This indicates greater engagement from
countries linked to the PNS or with a strong social media presence. The sample
of the study consists of devised age groups, most notably the young adults.
This reflects that the study relies heavily on groups often seen as the most
active online and most engaged in public debates. This enhances the validity of
the findings when discussing digital media issues. Furthermore, the study
supports equal gender representation and reduces gender bias. Regarding
educational background, the high percentage of those holding a master's degree
or higher indicates that the sample has a relatively high level of education.
Overall, these results confirm that the sample is rich and diverse. However, it
is more skewed toward younger and more educated groups, which must be taken into account when interpreting the results and
relating them to broader contexts.
The results of
descriptive statistics indicate that Twitter users are more likely to encounter
discussions, advocacy, and awareness campaigns related to the PNS on Twitter.
This reflects a constant and pervasive presence of the PNS in the daily
consciousness of users and, therefore, becomes an integral part of the content
they consume. These results lead to the conclusion that Twitter has evolved
from a social media platform into a central space for shaping public priorities
around public issues, most notably the PNS. This is consistent with prior
research demonstrating that social media can draw attention to issues at the
national and international level, which may be impossible through reliance on
traditional media Eltantawy and
Wiest (2011). In light of the AST, the repetition of a
particular problem in the media contributes to raising its cognitive importance
to the public. At the same time, the frequency of messages and repeated
exposure contribute to raising collective awareness of the importance of these
issues. Therefore, Twitter is not only a space for discussions but also
actively participates in setting the public's cognitive agenda, especially when
the issues presented are of a pressing political or humanitarian nature. This
confirms that organized campaigns on Twitter serve as tools for shaping the
media agenda from the bottom up. This result reinforces the concept of the AST,
especially in light of Wallace
(2018), who pointed out the role of “digital
gatekeepers” in creating alternative channels for setting the agenda outside
the traditional scope of corporate media. In light of the PNS, which is often
neglected, marginalized, distorted, or sometimes biased by the Western media Kareem
and Najm (2024), digital campaigns emerge as a mechanism to
rebalance media representation by directing public attention to specific issues
related to identity, justice, and rights. Furthermore, this finding points to a
shift in the agenda-setting centres. Through their interaction with Twitter
content, users can shape priorities, meaning traditional media no longer sets
the agenda, at least at the Twitter level. These findings also reveal a
dimension of the second level of AST, which focuses not only on what people think,
but also on how they think about it. Research indicates that the utilization of
hashtags and ongoing interactions significantly influences the evolution of
political discourse Gerbaudo (2012). This approach enables activists and
supporters to disseminate valuable information and engage broader audiences
efficiently. On the other hand, the high encounter of the PNS contents might be
due to algorithmic curation, which leads to amplification bias; echo chambers,
resulting in a narrow and repetitive spectrum of content, while “opposing”
content is excluded; and bot accounts, which lead to the automatic publishing
of the same content.
Twitter serves as a significant source of
information regarding the PNS, and respondents rely on it extensively. This
pattern of reliance implies increased trust in the platform and a functional
shift from entertainment and social spaces to alternative information sources
that complement—or surpass—traditional media sources. This increased reliance
suggests that agenda-setting authority has shifted from traditional media to
interactive digital media, and more especially, to users. Twitter's persistent
use as a primary source helps it establish an alternative agenda based on user,
activist, and civil society interactions. This shift is in line with Bruns
(2005) theory of "Gatewatching,"
in which he explains that users in new media not only produce news, but also
select and redirect it in ways that influence the flow of information and
audience prioritization. This result is also supported by the study by Hermida
Fletcher et al. (2012), which confirmed that the digital audience
is no longer a passive recipient of content, but instead actively participates
in producing and evaluating the news agenda, by sharing and republishing
content that is consistent with its interests and values. From a another
perspective, this reliance on Twitter is interpreted within the context of the
first-level agenda setting, as the result shows that repeated reliance
translates into an increase in the awareness of the importance of the PNS among
users, which proves the effect of content frequency in raising the audience’s
cognitive priority, which was indicated by McCombs
and Shaw (1972) in the origin of the theory. Therefore,
Twitter is a primary source of news related to the PNS. The high reliance on
Twitter reflects a notable change in the consumption patterns of news and
political information. This aligns with previous research indicating that
Twitter serves as the primary platform for users engaged in political and
social issues Ausserhofer and
Maireder (2013), offering an uninterrupted flow of immediate
news Hermida
(2010a) that operates independently of traditional
media constraints.
Twitter strongly
influences PNS agendas. This shows that Twitter is becoming a tool for shaping
the public agenda, promoting the transition of "media influence
power" from centralised institutions to more decentralised and
representative venues. This changes the media landscape, where legitimacy and
impact come from networked contacts and mobilization rather than institutional
status. This proposes a more nuanced, interactive model than the classic
agenda-setting theory, which focuses on media influence on audiences. Twitter
does more than set audience priorities under this strategy. The audience's
interactions decide and reinforce Twitter's priorities, creating a powerful
feedback loop that raises awareness of the issue. These dynamic fits Guo (2013) "Networked Agenda Setting"
paradigm. Social media transmits agendas and delineates confrontations between
activists, audiences, and journalists. This illustrates how Twitter PNS content
is a media battleground where the narrative is driven by involvement rather
than institutional origin. This supports Russell Neuman
et al. (2014), who found that Twitter drove public interest during
emergencies before traditional media coverage. This is why respondents think
Twitter is "highly influential": it's often the first source of
Palestine news and discussion, setting the stage for other media.
The participants' opinions regarding whether
Twitter precedes traditional media in setting the news agenda related to the
PNS show a relative agreement towards Twitter. This indicates that Twitter has
broken the agenda-setting monopoly and become a major player. This dynamic
strongly corresponds with the "intermedia agenda-setting" theory
posited by Lopez-Escobar
et al. (1998), which investigates the influence of media
outlets on one another in determining issue prioritization. The results
indicate that this relationship is not unidirectional. Twitter frequently
launches the news cycle by distributing testimonies and unedited video
(user-generated content) Jang et al. (2017), which are subsequently adopted by
established media sites, validated, and included in their corporate reporting
(traditional media content). Twitter users subsequently promote and critique
these reports. Furthermore, the findings indicate that the participants' view
of Twitter's dominance is not an inherent characteristic of the platform, but
rather it depends on the event. Bruns
and Burgess (2011) noted that “events and themes are filtered
through the community’s own established interests and news frames, resulting in
a distribution of attention that is different from that of the mainstream media
or of general public debate” (p.45). Twitter may not be the primary
agenda-setter for everyone. Still, for those within its "filter
bubble," its influence appears absolutely dominant and prevalent. This
does not negate Twitter's powerful role, but it does put it in perspective: its
perceived power is a product of the interaction between the characteristics of
the platform and the characteristics of its audience.
The extent to
which participants believed Twitter could influence the traditional media
agenda was explored, and the result reveals a clear tendency to agree with this
idea, indicating a perception of Twitter as a setter of the agenda for
traditional media. Moon and Hadley (2014) noted that “TV used Twitter more heavily as
a sole or primary source than newspapers.” The study conducted by Rogstad
(2016) found that mainstream media and Twitter
cover the same issues, but Twitter gives attention to issues that are
overlooked by mainstream media.The findings suggest
that Twitter users believe that topics trending on Twitter subsequently emerge
in traditional media. This indicates a pattern of "reverse agenda
setting," wherein digital platforms such as Twitter are beginning to
impose their priorities on traditional media outlets. This aligns with what Parmelee
(2014) found in his study, which indicates that
tweets from political leaders lead to agenda building. On the other hand, Groshek
and Groshek (2013) indicated that traditional media sets the
agenda for social media, while this finding contradicts Meraz
(2011) and Sayre et
al. (2010). In the PNS context, this dynamic is
particularly significant, as Twitter constitutes a key platform for activists
and alternative media to disseminate their narratives, particularly in light of
censorship or bias in the traditional international media. This reinforces the
concept of networked agenda-setting Vargo
and Guo (2016).
Based on the above
discussion, it is clear that Twitter is an effective platform for setting the
agenda for public discussions about the PNS. The analysis reveals high levels
of exposure, reliance, and perception of influence. The results also indicate that
the public views Twitter as influential, sometimes even ahead of traditional
media, in prioritizing discussions, supporting the hypotheses of the first and
second levels of agenda-setting theory.
The study reveals
that participants highly engage with content related to the PNS through
activities such as liking, retweeting, and commenting on Twitter. This
engagement reflects a fundamental shift in audience behaviour from passive
consumption to active, interactive engagement. According to the first-level
agenda-setting theory, this intense engagement demonstrates that Palestine has
become a high-priority issue of perception, not only through media
institutions, but also through the ongoing digital activity of individuals
themselves. This illustrates McCombs
and Shaw (1972), McCombs
and Shaw (1972) assertion that the media informs individuals
not what to think, but what they should think—an observation pertinent to a
digital audience that has re-centred the Palestinian cause in its daily focus
through likes, retweets, and comments. At the second-level agenda-setting and
network agenda-setting levels, this interaction demonstrates that users are not
only highlighting the issue, but are also reshaping
its perception. Some researchers argue that contemporary political solidarity
manifests as clicktivism Halupka
(2018), or digital activism, where the simple acts
of retweeting and commenting by digital users can influence political opinion.
On the other hand, Morozov (2012) contends that despite the virality of tweets
and the interaction of digital users via comments and retweets, this does not
inherently imply that they affect political opinion or effectuate tangible
change in reality.
Twitter contributes positively to shaping the
users' political awareness, as indicated by the participants who stated that
Twitter has greatly improved their understanding about the PNS. This result
reflects a shift in the platform's function from a mere social media platform
or news channel Moon and Hadley (2014) to a knowledge medium that influences
individuals' perceptions and political landscape. According to agenda-setting
theory, in this case, Twitter not only determines which issues are important
(first-level agenda setting) but also contributes to shaping how individuals
think about them (second-level agenda setting), as asserted by McCombs
and Shaw (1972) and later developed by Guo (2013). This shaping occurs through repeated
interaction with visual and narrative content (such as videos and field
reports), which fosters the construction of new mental representations of
Palestine related to justice, violations, and international inequality. The
heavy use of Twitter during Palestinian crises, such as the #GazaUnderAttack
campaign, appears to have contributed to what Siapera et al.
(2015) call a “diffused war,” where social media is
used not only to transmit news, but also to reshape global political awareness
around the issue.
The result
indicates that the participants’ perceptions of the PNS changed after using
Twitter, reflecting the platform's influential role in reshaping political
perceptions. This result is directly linked to the impact of digital platforms
in reshaping public awareness and supports a precise application of the levels
of agenda-setting theory. At the first level, the frequent repetition of tweets
about the PNS keeps it constantly present in the public's mind, raising its
cognitive status. At the second level, the circulating content not only
highlights the issue but also re-presents it within new symbolic frameworks:
resistance, injustice, violation, and morality. In this way, not only is the
order of priorities altered, but the way the issue itself is understood is also
reshaped. At the third level of the theory, Twitter does not present the PNS in
isolation, but rather links it to other discourses: justice, identity,
religion, and anti-colonialism. This shift may be related to several factors,
such as exposure to new narratives. Users often have an initial understanding
based on what is presented by traditional media, but with the use of Twitter,
they have the opportunity to explore alternative sources, which may lead to a
reassessment of their positions on political issues Bane (2019). Another factor is the interaction with the
digital community. Open discussions and interaction with various actors on
Twitter allow users to challenge their previous views and test the credibility
of information they previously believed. Another factor is the emotional impact
of digital content: studies suggest that visual content, such as images and
videos, plays a pivotal role in reshaping public opinion, as emotional
engagement with events increases the likelihood of users adopting new positions
Zelizer
(2010). These shifts in political perception are
consistent with theories of the “network effect,” which suggest that
individuals, when exposed to frequent and diverse information via digital
networks, become more likely to reevaluate their beliefs Belleflamme and
Peitz (2018).
Participants also
acknowledged that Twitter contributes to amplifying Palestinian voices and
delivering them to a more diverse global audience, indicating the platform’s
role in promoting international solidarity with the PNS and moving their
narrative away from traditional media hegemony Hayes
(2023). This result highlights the platform's
effectiveness in presenting an alternative discourse to the prevailing
discourse in international media. Within the framework of agenda-setting
theory, this reflects not only the ability to make the PNS more present in the
public consciousness (first-level agenda setting) but also to reframe its
meanings and symbolic references (second-level).
User-generated content is not limited to news coverage; it forms a narrative
that encompasses moral, cultural, and political meanings, providing viewers
with alternative tools for interpreting events. These findings demonstrate that
Twitter plays a crucial role in shaping public debates, promoting Palestinian
narratives, and fostering international engagement with the PNS. In this
context, the findings suggest that Twitter serves as a digital space that
empowers users to actively participate in shaping public discourse, thereby
enhancing the dynamism of digital struggle and its impact in the international
media and political spheres Fikriyah and Pramiyanti (2025).
The results show
that visual content (images and videos) related to the PNS on Twitter plays a
significant role in promoting agenda-setting. Most participants believe that
this content significantly enhances the dissemination of issues related to the
PNS, demonstrating the importance of visual media in guiding public debates and
setting media priorities. These visuals have the ability to frame the news Dahmen
(2009), influence how viewers interpret news
stories Coleman
and Banning (2006), and exert a visual agenda-setting effect,
which can have an impact on the public agenda Miller
and Roberts (2010). According to Ewbank
et al. (2009), their potency lies in their capacity to
elicit a powerful emotional response from the viewer, thereby leaving a memory
that will hold on for a long time. These findings suggest that images and
videos posted on Twitter serve not only as a means of disseminating news but
also as powerful tools that shape the public's perception of the PNS. This
reflects the power of visual media in shaping public awareness. This finding
directly supports agenda-setting theory, particularly at its three levels. At
the first level, images and videos with a humanistic demonstrate a greater
ability to attract attention and focus the public on the PNS than traditional
texts. Visual content not only highlights what needs to be discussed but also
compels the recipient to engage emotionally in the moment, creating a
"cognitive priority" for the issue in the public consciousness. The
second level of the theory concerns how the issue is framed—that is, how it is
visually represented. Here, we find that images circulating on Twitter typically
depict scenes of destruction, injured children, demolished mosques, and forms
of resistance, reframing Palestine not only as a political issue, but as a
humanitarian and moral symbol. Oguejiofor
(2024) supports this argument, demonstrating that
images and videos related to the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict disseminate rapidly on Twitter and contribute to shaping public
discourse and enhancing international awareness of the PNS. On the other hand, Alsaba
(2023) suggests that the visual impact of these
contents depends on how they are framed and presented by users, whether they
are activists, media professionals, or government agencies. Images and videos
presented in a frame that highlights human suffering are more widely
disseminated and contribute more to setting the agenda. Furthermore, Hayes
(2023) confirmed that human rights organizations
utilize images and videos on Twitter as an effective means to promote their
messages and garner public support. The use of visual content is considered one
of the most effective methods for steering public opinion toward specific
issues and generating global sympathy for the PNS.
Digital campaigns
serve as a mechanism for shaping public opinion. The findings suggest that
digital campaigns, including the use of hashtags and trending topics on
Twitter, have a significant impact on public opinion and increase awareness of
the PNS. This is a highly significant finding within the framework of
agenda-setting theory. At the first level of the theory, hashtags serve as
indicators of collective interest, bringing issues to the forefront of public
debate. When hashtags top trending lists, they not only indicate the extent of
engagement but also force traditional media and the general public to treat
them as a central issue. At the second-level agenda setting, these campaigns
play a role in framing the issue within specific symbols and meanings.
Palestine is not only presented as a political issue, but is also framed
through the campaigns in humanitarian, rights-based, and colonialist terms.
Previous studies demonstrate that hashtags serve as significant tools in
digital campaigns, facilitating the expression of political dialogue,
mobilizing public support, and influencing media discourse Gerbaudo (2012). These campaigns generate significant public
engagement, thereby exerting political and diplomatic pressure on
decision-makers. Besides its function in raising awareness, Twitter exerted
pressure on governments and international organizations to adopt stances
regarding Israeli violations in Palestine. Digital campaigns and the commitment
of journalists in Gaza to convey the reality of the Israeli human rights
violations through news reports and social media posts has led South Africa to
take legal action against Israel at the International Court of Justice on 29
December 2023, accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza Rabin
(2024). Additionally, traditional media expanded
their coverage of events in Palestine as a result of Twitter campaigns
following the widespread circulation of related hashtags. This demonstrates how
digital actions alter media discourse and compel major media institutions to
address issues of public interest.
Based on the above
discussion, the second research question was thoroughly addressed by
demonstrating how Twitter content has a tangible impact on shaping users'
awareness and knowledge of the PNS through engagement with tweets, thereby
improving political understanding and changing perceptions. Moreover, Twitter
is not only used as a platform for disseminating information,
but has also become a participatory tool in reshaping political and
emotional understanding of the issue. Additionally, visual content and digital
campaigns contribute significantly to setting the media agenda and amplifying
the Palestinian narrative globally. These results, taken together, confirm that
Twitter influences not only the extent of awareness but also its quality and
cognitive frameworks, making the platform a key player in reshaping public
discourse on Palestine.
The study
indicates that Twitter serves as an effective tool for shaping public opinion,
and its users trust the content related to the PNS more than traditional media.
And has become, for many, a "popular" alternative source of knowledge
and information, in contrast to what is perceived as "bias" or
"ignorance" in traditional media towards the PNS. This is due to
several reasons. First, breaking the monopoly of Western media narratives. It
is frequently observed that traditional media, mainly Western media coverage,
is biased in its coverage of the PNS Kareem
and Najm (2024). In contrast to traditional media, Twitter
facilitates real-time reporting of events Sakaki
et al. (2012) from local Palestinian sources, and
Palestinian journalists, providing a more diverse and uncensored perspective Fahmy et
al. (2024). Second, Public engagement and speed of
information transfer. Twitter facilitates immediate tweeting and interaction,
allowing users to verify news through multiple sources simultaneously, thereby
enhancing trust in information compared to traditional media, which is often
subject to political or economic censorship Corduneanu
Huci and Hamilton (2018). Third, the challenge of media
disinformation. In conflict situations, such as the Israeli wars, genocide, and
violence in Gaza, Twitter is a platform for exposing the falsity of some
official media narratives, which contributed to increasing public awareness of
the need to seek alternative sources of information. These findings are
associated with significant transformations in the global media environment, in
which Twitter has emerged as a platform used by activists and politicians to
articulate their viewpoints beyond conventional media outlets. Numerous
international MPs, activists, and Palestinian officials Abunahel (2025), including Hamas Margolin
(2022), have utilised Twitter to articulate a
direct narrative of Israeli violations, thus shifting global media discourse
toward a more equitable representation of the PNS. From the perspective of
agenda-setting theory, this shift illustrates how audiences can adjust their
priorities and media references in response to digital interactions, rather
than relying on institutional directives. High trust in Twitter as an
alternative source enhances users' ability to perform bottom-up agenda setting,
which is in line with what Meraz and Papacharissi (2013) noted in their study on the role
of audiences as "network gatekeepers." With increasing reliance on
social media, trust in digital content becomes not only a reflection of
trustworthiness but also a catalyst for shaping personal attitudes and adopting
alternative narratives about the Palestinian cause—narratives that extend
beyond the confines of official media to grassroots narratives originating from
within Palestine itself.
The results of the
study reveal that the news and the information about the PNS on Twitter receive
credibility from the users. This clear trend reflects a qualitative shift in
public trust in alternative media sources, which have come to play a pivotal role
in shaping public opinion on the PNS. From the perspective of agenda-setting
theory, Twitter's role extends beyond highlighting issues (first-level agenda
setting) to influencing how they are framed and presented (second-level).
The high credibility that the public has granted Twitter indicates that the
platform has succeeded in displacing traditional media as the sole source of
information and has become a key tool in shaping public perception,
particularly on issues perceived as marginalized or biased by the media. Thus,
a high trust index contributes to strengthening public attitudes toward the
Palestinian cause and leads to greater cognitive and perceptual engagement,
making Twitter not only a tool for disseminating news, but also a space for
position-building and political opinion-formation—the core objective of AST in
the age of networked media. On the other hand, users might encounter or be
exposed to misleading or biased information. This is due to media
disinformation and electronic misinformation, often facilitated by Twitter as a
tool for counter-propaganda. There is evidence that
accounts affiliated with political or government groups use Twitter to spread
misinformation aimed at influencing public opinion Bennett
and Livingston (2020). Furthermore, the spread of fake accounts
(bots) in political conflicts. Previous research suggests that some states are
using artificial intelligence and programmed accounts to influence discussions
related to the PNS, which may affect how users perceive reality Loewenstein
(2024), Ünver
(2024). These challenges highlight the need to
develop “digital media literacy” skills, enabling users to become more aware of
how to verify news and distinguish between reliable and misleading information.
It also requires the intervention of platforms such as Twitter to develop
stricter policies to combat fake news that can affect public awareness of the
PNS.
One of the most
notable findings is that a high number of participants changed their attitudes
towards PNS after interacting with content on Twitter, confirming that digital
interaction is not just a cognitive experience, but leads to actual shifts in
individuals' attitudes and political views. It reflects the power of Twitter
not only as a reliable source of information but also as an effective tool in
reshaping political and personal attitudes towards the PNS, a crucial aspect in
assessing the impact of new media on public awareness. From the perspective of
agenda-setting theory, this effect clearly demonstrates the intersection of the
second and third levels of the theory; existing content determines not only
what we think about, but also how we think about it and with whom we associate
it—a phenomenon known as network agenda setting. Platforms like Twitter allow
Palestine to be associated with issues such as social justice, racism, and
anti-colonialism, making it possible to reevaluate one's own positions upon
repeated exposure to the content. Users change their attitudes due to some of
the following reasons: First, exposure to new sources that were previously
unavailable: Twitter allows users to access firsthand accounts from
Palestinians living under occupation, which may not be available in traditional
media Wulf et al. (2013). Second, social pressure and belonging to
digital communities: When users observe a broad digital consensus on a
particular issue, it may prompt them to reconsider their opinions and align
with the prevailing discourse Damásio
et al. (2012). Third, the power of personal narratives:
Studies show that personal narratives and human experiences have a greater
ability to change political convictions than abstract information or academic
data Mayer
(2014).
Furthermore, the
results showed that the participants believe that retweeting is an effective
means of raising public awareness about the PNS, which is in line with the
findings of Majmundar
et al. (2018), who explained that retweeting works as a
digital amplification tool, contributing to the dissemination of the
Palestinian narrative globally. From the perspective of agenda-setting theory,
retweets are a crucial mechanism for reinforcing the power of repetition, which
is one of the most important factors in bringing an issue higher on the agenda
of both the public and media organizations. The more a message is repeated
across multiple accounts, the greater the chance of it appearing in trending
hashtags and becoming a public issue that takes precedence in public debate—the
essence of the first level of the theory. But more importantly, retweets
demonstrate a shift in the dynamics of agenda production and distribution.
Ordinary users, through simple engagement, have become "partial agenda
makers," participating in determining which issues are raised and how they
are raised. This form of "networked amplification" reflects a
decentralized media structure, controlled by audiences through small but
repetitive actions.
The results show
that most participants believe that discussions on Twitter have significantly
influenced their personal opinions about the PNS. This pattern clearly
demonstrates the transformative role Twitter plays as a platform for political
dialogue that reshapes individual positions, not just as a means of conveying
news or symbolic solidarity. In light of agenda-setting theory, these findings
represent a direct application of an advanced level of influence known as
"third-level agenda setting," which is not limited to what we think
or how we think, but rather to the cognitive and networked connections between
issues, concepts, and symbols that are formed in the recipient's mind as a
result of collective interaction. Discussions on Twitter, particularly those
circulating in Palestinian circles or in solidarity with them, reproduce
alternative narratives that challenge the dominant narrative in traditional
media. Dalipaj et al.
(2024) demonstrated that Twitter is widely utilized
to shape public attitudes on specific issues, such as the PNS, as the platform
effectively directs public discourse and conveys messages of solidarity.
The results
indicate that Twitter is considered more influential than other media platforms
in shaping public understanding of the PNS. This is evidenced by the high level
of agreement among participants that Twitter plays a more important role than
other platforms in transmitting and directing discussions related to the PNS.
These results confirm that the public does not view Twitter as just one of many
tools, but rather as a pivotal and effective platform for building knowledge
and political understanding about Palestine. From the perspective of
agenda-setting theory, Twitter's cognitive superiority over traditional media
signals a shift in the center of influence from
institutional media to participatory media based on instant content and
interactive discussion. This shift not only signifies a change in platforms but
also in the way audiences shape political and cognitive priorities. While
traditional media often operates according to editorial agendas, Twitter's
agenda is produced collectively and instantly via tweets, retweets, and
emotional shares. Nasereddin
(2024) illustrates how social platforms, including
Twitter, significantly influence international public opinion on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was found that Twitter
directly contributes to promoting discussions related to humanitarian issues,
and users engage extensively with topics related to violence and violations,
leading to their prominence in public discourse. In addition, Siapera (2014) indicates that Twitter provides a unique
platform for informal and independent voices to convey their views on
Palestinian issues directly to a global audience. This reinforces the
importance of Twitter as an effective means of setting the media agenda related
to the PNS, as content related to current events is circulated frequently and
rapidly. Celik et al. (2024) also support this idea, showing that Twitter
is widely used to disseminate information about the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict through the official accounts of non-governmental organizations and
independent activists. The study also demonstrated that tweets addressing the
most sensitive issues, such as Israeli crimes, are widely shared and have a
significant influence on public opinion.
The discussion
above shows that the users have a higher degree of trust in the PNS content on
Twitter compared to traditional media outlets and view it as
credible—additionally, tweets about the PNS changing their attitudes after
interacting with such content. Retweets and discussions are effective in
shaping public opinion, and Twitter is more influential than other platforms in
shaping their understanding of the PNS. These results answered the third
research question and support the application of agenda-setting theory, as it
becomes clear that Twitter is no longer merely a means of communication but
rather a participatory platform that reorders public priorities and reshapes
attitudes through interaction, repetition, and collective framing.
Conclusion
This explanatory
study is an important step in paving the way for future studies. However, it
faces some limitations that should be taken into account
when interpreting its results. The most prominent of these limitations relates
to the issue of generalizability. The results may not apply to different
demographic groups or to other social media platforms that differ in nature
from Twitter. Twitter users have specific characteristics related to the
platform's operating mechanisms and algorithms, which may make them different
from users of platforms such as Facebook or Instagram. Furthermore, Twitter
allows users to express their opinions anonymously, unlike direct interactions,
which are often more transparent. This may limit the ability to compare the
results to real-life behaviors. Furthermore, there
are other limitations related to the demographic composition of the sample. The
high proportion of young and educated people in the sample may make the results
more representative of these groups, and less representative of older or less
educated groups. Relying on self-reported data may also open the door to biases
such as exaggeration or selectivity in responses. Furthermore, this study
focused on a specific time period, meaning that the results may be influenced
by circumstances or events specific to that period, and therefore may vary
depending on the temporal or political context. An important methodological
limitation is that the descriptive study design does not allow for the
extraction of causal relationships, but rather is
limited to revealing general correlations and patterns. This calls for future
experimental or longitudinal studies to more precisely verify causal
relationships. Finally, the rapid change in the digital platform environment
cannot be overlooked. Continuous updates to Twitter's policies or changes in
ownership may reshape interaction patterns. This makes the results valid in
their temporal context, but requires periodic review
in the future.
The findings of this study theoretically
endorse the concept that digital platforms can execute an agenda-setting
function, but within a new media framework that contrasts with the conventional
centralized approach. This necessitates the expansion of the theoretical
paradigm to incorporate interactive agenda-setting, wherein the media is not
the sole player. Still, the audience also plays a role in determining
significance. This gives this study a field-specific focus, highlighting how
issues are prioritized and prioritized through unconventional means.
The broader
implications of these results indicate that Twitter is no longer just a social
media platform, but has become an influential space in
shaping public priorities and political awareness regarding the PNS. The
results reveal that frequent exposure to tweets, hashtags, and visual content
enhances the presence of the Palestinian cause in collective consciousness,
clearly reflecting the application of the three levels of agenda-setting theory
(first, second, and third). Twitter serves not only as a source of news but
also as an interactive arena where users, activists, and digital communities
participate in constructing narratives, formulating issues, and promoting
solidarity.
The results also
demonstrate that Twitter broke the traditional media's monopoly on the agenda,
providing direct, uncensored, and fast-moving alternatives to events, which
participants considered more reliable compared to mainstream sources, which are
often accused of bias or marginalization. Visual content, such as photos and
videos, played a pivotal role in enhancing emotional engagement and reframing
Palestine not only as a political issue, but also as a humanitarian and moral
one. Digital campaigns and hashtags also contributed to amplifying the
Palestinian voice globally, pressuring traditional media and even political
institutions to respond.
In general,
Twitter emerges as a key player in setting the media and political agenda
related to the Palestinian issue. The public is no longer a passive recipient,
but rather an active partner in shaping public debate and shaping positions
through repetition, interaction, and collective engagement.
The importance of
this research lies in its revelation of the radical transformations in the
structure of political and media communication in the digital age, highlighting
the central role of Twitter in reshaping the public agenda related to the
Palestinian national struggle. The research demonstrates that the platform is
no longer merely a social media tool, but has
transformed into an alternative space that enables marginalized groups to
convey their narratives and challenge the prevailing discourse in traditional
media. The analysis also demonstrates that digital campaigns and hashtags are
capable of generating political and media pressure that extends beyond the
virtual sphere to influence global public opinion and decision-makers.
Conversely, the research also indicates that heavy reliance on Twitter is not
without problems, such as algorithmic bias and the spread of misinformation.
This demonstrates that digital platforms possess a dual nature: on the one
hand, they expand the circle of participation and representation, while on the
other, they may produce new forms of marginalization or manipulation. Hence,
the importance of this research emerges as a reference for understanding new
media power dynamics and for guiding activists and policymakers towards
strategies that are more aware of the capabilities and limitations of digital
activism.
Ethical Approval and Informed Consent
This study was
reviewed and approved by the Institutional Human Ethical Committee (IHEC) of
the University of Mysore, Mysuru, India (Approval No. UOM-IHEC/PhD_01/2025-26).
Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to their inclusion in
the study.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
None.
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